Shavkat Mirziyoyev’s regime has turned ‘information manipulation’ into a key mechanism for retaining power and suppressing dissent. Through a network of civil society activists loyal to the authorities, puppet human rights organisations and pseudo-journalists, the state deliberately shapes public opinion to legitimise systemic repression and human rights violations. These figures have become an integral part of the repressive machinery, destroying the space for independent information and replacing genuine protest with a controlled imitation of civic activism.
The central element of this propaganda is the promotion of the ‘good president, bad officials’ narrative. This strategy creates the illusion that corruption and social failures are the result of incompetence or ‘betrayal’ on the part of those around him, whilst Mirziyoyev himself is portrayed as the sole wise and just leader. This interpretation of events allows the head of state to completely evade responsibility for his decisions, shifting the blame onto subordinates who, in reality, are merely carrying out his will.
Such manipulation conceals the systemic nature of the abuses and creates ideal conditions for the indefinite retention of power. A characteristic example of this strategy is the work of Abdurakhmon Tashanov, head of the organisation ‘Ezgulik’.
Under the guise of human rights advocacy, he effectively acts as the devil’s advocate, legitimising the regime’s actions in the eyes of both domestic and international audiences. His work clearly demonstrates how a supposed struggle for citizens’ rights is used to cover up crimes and perpetuate the dictatorship.
The regime’s devil’s advocate: the dark side of Uzbekistan’s human rights movement
Shavkat Mirziyoyev’s regime has turned ‘information manipulation’ into a key mechanism for retaining power and suppressing dissent. Through a network of civil society activists loyal to the authorities, puppet human rights organisations and pseudo-journalists, the state deliberately shapes public opinion to legitimise systemic repression and human rights violations. These figures have become an integral part of the repressive machinery, destroying the space for independent information and replacing genuine protest with a controlled imitation of civic activism.
The central element of this propaganda is the promotion of the ‘good president, bad officials’ narrative. This strategy creates the illusion that corruption and social failures are the result of incompetence or ‘betrayal’ on the part of those around him, whilst Mirziyoyev himself is portrayed as the sole wise and just leader. This interpretation of events allows the head of state to completely evade responsibility for his decisions, shifting the blame onto subordinates who, in reality, are merely carrying out his will.
Such manipulation conceals the systemic nature of the abuses and creates ideal conditions for the indefinite retention of power. A characteristic example of this strategy is the work of Abdurakhmon Tashanov, head of the organisation ‘Ezgulik’.
Under the guise of human rights advocacy, he effectively acts as the devil’s advocate, legitimising the regime’s actions in the eyes of both domestic and international audiences. His work clearly demonstrates how a supposed struggle for citizens’ rights is used to cover up crimes and perpetuate the dictatorship.
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